India is reaffirming itself in the modern world, and Modi plays master strokes regularly! His style of promoting Vasudhaiva Kutumbakaṁ as part of the upcoming G-20 Summit is praiseworthy, as have been his ways of promoting Yoga through ‘International Yoga Day’, and value of millets through ‘International Year of Millets’. His creativity, penchant, and leadership in promoting India most genuinely sets him apart from other political leaders in contemporary times and even historically.
But mind it, strengthening the parliamentary democracy with a more robust parliament building is like prisoners making a larger jail themselves, the shackles of colonialism are in fact tightening around a civilization known to provide leadership to the humanity throughout the history.
How?
The centralized power system of colonialism, a borrowed system of democracy where it does not have a direct participation of masses for deciding their own future, an imported system of bureaucracy optimized for oppression and corruption, retention of 78% of British rules, etc. are not exactly breaking from the shackles of the colonial era. It is actually worse to adopt a system of oppression by one’s own people just replacing the names of British or British appointed authorities. The current system of parliamentary government promotes colonialism, such as Anglicized terms being used, for example, district collector, whose job used to be to collect taxes for the British. The entire country is still governed by the thānas or the police stations, set up to just to arrest people not conforming to British rules.
It is interesting that British used India as their experimental ground for testing various forms of governing concepts, including adopting a civil service concept from the 2nd century China. In a book entitled, ‘Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge – The British in India’, Princeton University Press. (1996) Bernard S. Cohn writes “the projects of state building in both countries—documentation, legitimation, classification, and bounding, and the institutions therewith—often reflected theories, experiences, and practices worked out originally in India and then applied in Great Britain, as well as vice versa. Many aspects of metropolitan documentation projects were first developed in India. For example, the Indian civil service provided some of the models for the development of the Home services. Conversely, the universities and public schools in Victorian Great Britain were the factories in which the old aristocracy was associated with the new middle class, and new governing classes for the empire were produced. These models were exported to India and the other colonies to produce loyal governing elites.”
In this manner, even the university officials of statures of Dean, Provost, Chancellor, are all derived from Church, rather than the Gurukul systems of integrated education system India had for thousands of years until British colonialism dismantled it.
We name Takṣaśīlā and Nālandā systems of Gurukul education as universities claiming some recognition, when there is a contrast of earth and heaven in the two systems of education. The modern university and college system was first developed in churches and mosques (Google it for the history of university!!) to study the books, as these traditions are for the people of the book! Indian intellectuals are generally lethargic, as against the sages and saints led education system for creating knowledge with their disciples in practices. Their intimate thoughtful discussions led to creation of Upaniṣads.
If we take an example of Nālandā University, which not only got attention of current government, but also the previous Congress government, it attracted stalwarts like Professor Amartya Sen and Dr. Vijay Bhatkar, but its state of affairs is nearly dismal despite 7 countries, including China, made efforts to revive it.
Contribution From Foreign Countries to Nālandā University | |
Name | Amount (INR) |
PR China | 512,17,500 |
Thailand | 71,60,754 |
Laos | 27,03,178 |
Indonesia | 18,54,525 |
Switzerland | 6,37,05,000 |
South Korea | 7,37,432 |
Australia | 5,54,89,229 |
Total | 18,28,67,618 |
According to an article in India Today, “If we combine the contributions from the government and from aboard, it comes to around Rs. 982 crores — the money that came to the university. A total of 710 regular students got admission at the Nālandā University. It means per student expenditure of the Nālandā University stands at 1.38 crore. If one includes 992 students, who got enrolled into other programmes, per student expenditure would come to around Rs 57 lakh.” Although one needs to be careful in using the per student cost calculation, as it does not reflect the correct picture as Nālandā University is a young institution and as such most of the cost has gone into infrastructure development. “But what is certainly of concern is that despite such a substantial investment, this university is consistently failing to create a buzz.” The internationally famous ancient university (actually Gurukul) at Nālandā existed gloriously for eight centuries. Its fame having spread to far-off lands, it stood out as a beacon of knowledge. For the new university, there is still a long way to go not only in terms of time but certainly in the reach of its reputation.
Building a parliament to expand that system is what I meant to describe the mental prisoners we have become, and are putting our own labor to expand it. 75 years of ‘Independence’ has not allowed us to think original, derive a system from our rich past to create a system more suitable for diversity driven democracy fanning it to the local areas, in contrast to increasing more representatives to live in Delhi!
At the same time, PM Modi will, in all honesty, have to take some steps back though. For example, he has anglicized Nīti Āyog, when he had changed from Yojanā Āyog (Planning Commission), with no English translated name. Ironically, Nīti is not referring to the Sanskrit or Hindi word that can be translated as policy, rather it is derived from National Institution for Transforming India (NITI). His government has a fascination with such English acronyms for very traditional and philosophical words, like Diksha and Swayam – part of much-touted NEP 20, Amrut, Ujala, Hriday, Uday, Mudra, etc. This slavery of mindset needs to be addressed in the new initiative of Rāj to Kartavya, a much-needed idea that will allow India to shed its colonial baggage.
Business practices of profiteering rather than service, something that is quite contrary to the great lessons of Bhagvadgītā, needs to be reminded:
कृषिगौरक्ष्यवाणिज्यं वैश्यकर्म स्वभावजम् |
परिचर्यात्मकं कर्म शूद्रस्यापि स्वभावजम् || 18.44||
kṛiṣhi-gau-rakṣhya-vāṇijyaṁ vaiśhya-karma svabhāva-jam
paricharyātmakaṁ karma śhūdrasyāpi svabhāva-jam
This translates as the ultimate creativity (Kṛṣi), planetary sustainability (Gaurakṣya), and business as in exchange of goods and services (Vāṇijyaṁ) are the natural inclination of Vaiśya, the representative of Viśṇu or the universal preserver, through service, as is also the natural inclination of Śudra [as seen in practice of Prajā (‘Prajā’ in the Light of Vedic View, Aparna Dhir and Bal Ram Singh, Vedic Blog, December 29, 2016)], who acts/works/serves around others considering them as self (paricharyātmakaṁ, pari = around, chari = work, ātmakaṁ = self), such as a mother. Service or sevā is the operational word of all, and for this only Vaiśyas are known as Shreshthi (corrupted as Sethi) and Mahajan (as in Seth Mahajan).
There is a good reason why the artha does not translate into money in Indian context, it is a meaning as in the meaning of life. India’s economy is growing leaps and bounds, with its current GDP at $3.5 trillions, marching towards $7 trillions by 2030. This is wonderful but India that has been known for its material, spiritual, artistic, and family values (kularitī = the entire truth) cannot be limited to a material-based values that was and is the colonial legacy to the entire world. Professor Romesh Diwan in an article on ‘Relational Wealth and Human Well Being’ posited that human well being depends both on “material wealth (measured in terms of GDP),”—affluence of first kind—and “relational wealth (kula and community),” affluence of the second type. “National policy objectives need to consider the maximization of not only the material wealth but also of relational wealth and its connection with material wealth” (Diwan, Diwan, Romesh, 2000. “Relational wealth and the quality of life,” Journal of Behavioral and Experimental Economics (formerly The Journal of Socio-Economics), Elsevier, vol. 29(4), pages 305-340, July).
If it were to represent the material wealth fairly as it claims in the name of democracy, the $3.5 trillion will translate into a payment of Rs. 200,000 per capita, amounting to about 9 lakh rupees per household in India, considering 1.4 billion people and 4.44 persons per household. In 2021 only the 3% so called rich people make Rs. 300,000 per year, whereas the rest make between Rs. 12,500 and Rs. 50,000 per household. Hopefully this make people realize that colonialists were always about sucking the money out of the poor, be through Zamindari, famine, and now Dalal street-based stock market, touting it as the wealth of all, actually made for only a few! Would that make us feel free from the shackles of colonialism? Actually, the 8% GDP growth-based wealth earned by less than top 0.1% is indeed driven by the consumer price rate increase of 5.89%, a salary raises of 10%, and a population growth of 0.9%. GDP is thus a façade, as used to be advocated by late Shri Rajiv Dixit ji.
But such a thing would neither be realized nor appreciated by the ‘educated’ class, be it Sanskrit scholars of sutras or the law experts of penal codes. The judicial system of black gown of judges and lawyers even in 120-degree F temperatures, having a parliament act requiring all the laws to be written in the English language first, then translating in Indian languages, and many other such issues, have shackled India. This is exactly what British imposed on India for official work and education. Our own Sanskrit scholars have conducted themselves with derelict of duty, when translating words like Parliament (literally meaning charchāghar, चर्चाघर) as Sansad (the place of truth or morality), ministries (a church terminology) as mantrālaya (मंत्रालय, meaning the center of mantras), even the colonialism as upaniveśvād (उपनिवेशवाद), giving an impression of some kind of upaniṣad, when all it means is a toliākhorī (टोलियाखोरी), akin to ghūskhorī (घूसखोरी), chungalkhori (चुंगलखोरी), dalālkhorī (दलालखोरी), harāmkhorī (हरामखोरी), etc.
India’s long-standing concept is to develop, recognize, and realize Self or the “Swa”, an essential element of Independence to create Mahatma Gandhi’s concept of Swarāj. Usually, realization of Self goes along with realization of Swadharma or one’s own nature (Swabhāva). In Bhagvadgita it is said,
स्वधर्मे निधनं श्रेयः पर धर्मो भयावहः ||3.35||
Swadharme nidhanam shreyah par dharmo bhayawah
exhorting all to live by one’s own nature or dharma. This type of the knowledge of Self makes one detached from the outcome of one’s action (Karma) as long as it is based on one’s Kartavya driven by Swadharna and Swabhāva. Colonialists if anything are/were the antithesis of the Niṣkām Karma, and thus the conflicts and resultant mess we face in the world today. The whole idea of colonialism, as practiced overtly then, and covertly now, was and is to gain something materialistic by exploiting people in one way or the other.
Finally, Self-realization facilitates the establishment (Stha)of ourselves in Self (Swa), that leads to Swastha or health. Only a healthy person can remain independent, to avoid slavery to others or to other’s system. Until we can create a Grām Swarāj of Mahatma Gandhi’s dreams, it may be advisable for their representatives to operate from the villages rather than an ostentatious parliament building. Use of the much-touted online technology could come handy.
All that said, one must join the celebrations, rather than boycotting it as did some opposition parties, of the new triangular parliament building, perhaps suggesting the trinities or triangular political structure, in place of the circular parliament, perhaps representing the infinity of its origin and the Śunyata of Buddhist detachment. It is India’s village tradition to join the functions of celebrations and sad (jīvan-maraṇ, जीवन-मरण) events, even by otherwise adversaries! The boycott by opposition parties is reprehensible by every means of measurement.
Prof. Bal Ram Singh, President, Institute of Advanced Sciences, Dartmouth, USA